Jebat: Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies

Rethinking Humanitarian Space in a Peaceful Setting: The Case of UNHCR in Malaysia

2025-11-26T15:25:28+00:00

Humanitarian space allows humanitarian workers to assess needs, monitor and distribute aid, and engage in community dialogue. However, the discourse involving UNHCR is more concentrated in conflict-ridden environments than in countries marked by enduring political and social equilibrium with refugees, including Malaysia. We employ a qualitative approach to investigate the availability of humanitarian space for UNHCR to aid refugees in Malaysia between 2020 and 2022. It incorporates a case study analysis, in-depth interviews with key UNHCR personnel, government officials, and representatives from the refugee community. Overall, the investigation affirms that while debates continue regarding humanitarian space in conflict situations, the concept remains relevant for deliberation and implementation within peaceful geopolitical situations, exemplified by the case of Malaysia, ensuring the successful implementation of humanitarian assistance provided by UNHCR and prompting a reformulation of the humanitarian space concept into a new dimension applicable to peaceful contexts.

Perkembangan Pentafsiran Peristiwa Berkaitan Perjanjian Pangkor 1874 (The Development of Interpretations of Events Related to The Pangkor Treaty of 1874)

2026-01-07T10:49:59+00:00

The events that took place in the Larut district are significant in the course of Malaysian history. The British intervention policy led to the Pangkor Treaty of 1874, which marked the end of the Larut Wars and became the starting point of official British colonialism. The events that occurred in the Larut district are presented in historiography that keeps evolving with changes over time. Writings
concerning this event are presented in three distinct groups of authors which are British officers, European scholars, and local scholars. This study will discuss the development of the historiography of the Larut district by focusing on the narrative of the Larut Wars (1861–1874) until the signing of the Pangkor Treaty 1874 based on existing works. The historical qualitative method is employed
with primary sources consisting of government documents and official records, to complement the secondary sources as the main data for presenting interpretations related to the event, such as books, articles, and book chapters. The results of this study find that the historiography of the Larut district has indeed undergone significant changes with the developments in the discipline of history as time progressed including the interpretation of the incidents of the Larut Wars series and the Pangkor Treaty of 1874.

Persaingan Politik Melayu di Perak: Tumpuan Terhadap Pengaruh Isu Kempen dan Strategi Calon oleh UMNO, PAS dan Persatuan Kebangsaan Perak pada Pilihan Raya Umum 1955 (Malay Political Competition in Perak: Focus on the Influence of Campaign Issues and Candidate Strategies by UMNO, PAS and National Association Perak in the 1955 General Election)

2025-12-24T15:12:12+00:00

This study discusses the political development of Malaya in the early 1950s by focusing on Malay political competition in Perak in the 1955 General Election. Based on the study conducted, there were three Malay parties competing in Perak politics in the 1955 GE, namely UMNO, PAS and NAP. This competition showed that UMNO succeeded in strengthening its position among Malay voters
in Perak through winning five seats with a majority of Malay voters that were won by the party. In addition, the Malay political competition also stole the spotlight when PAS succeeded in winning one seat. This victory of PAS made it the only Malay seat won by a party other than UMNO. Therefore, the results of the 1955 GE became significant for the beginning of Malay political competition
in Perak. This study was written using primary sources from the National Archive, Kew and the National Archives of Malaysia as the main sources of writing. In addition, the writing also used The Straits Times, Utusan Melayu and Warta Malaya newspapers published during that period to obtain continuity with the primary source documents. The findings of this study discuss the main factors that influence Malay political competition in Perak based on the issues that are the focus during the election campaign period. The campaigns carried out by the contesting parties influenced the results obtained by candidates from UMNO, PAS and NAP in the 1955 GE, which in turn became the survival of the parties.

A Systematic Literature Review on Twitter and Democratic Engagement in Malaysia

2025-12-24T16:19:26+00:00

This article reviews the role of Twitter in democratic engagement in Malaysia from 2020 to 2024, examining its influence on public discourse, political participation, and the democratic process. This review analyses recent scholarly studies to identify trends, opportunities, and challenges in leveraging Twitter for democratic discourse. Using the PRISMA framework, data were gathered from Scopus and Web of Science (WoS) databases. The findings are categorised into three themes: (1) Political Communication and Campaigns, (2) Political Participation and Activism, and (3) Challenges in Democratic Engagement. The results highlight Twitter’s role in shaping political narratives, influencing voter sentiment, and driving strategic campaigns while serving as a platform for information sharing and agenda-setting. However, challenges such as misinformation, trolling, fake accounts and buzzer behaviour hinder its democratic potential. The study underscores the urgency of enhancing digital
literacy, regulating online behaviour, and promoting ethics to strengthen Malaysia’s democracy. By offering a structured review, this article contributes to understanding Twitter’s role in facilitating democratic engagement in Malaysia and its implications for research and policymaking. It emphasises the importance of tackling challenges while exploring Twitter’s capacity to foster a more informed, inclusive, and participatory political environment.

Navigating the Attarat Power Plant Project Between Jordan and China: A Win-Win Approach

2025-12-24T16:26:28+00:00

This study examines the Attarat Power Plant project involving both Jordan and China. It analyzes to what extent the project is a “win-win” for both parties. At the same time, it examines how external factors, such as American influence in Jordan has the potential to impact the project’s success because of the idea of Chinese ‘dept trap diplomacy’ in Jordan. Hence, it illustrates the complications of
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) expansion in regions where the United States’ interests are prominent. The research employs a qualitative approach, drawing from academic literature, media sources, and expert opinions. Primary and secondary sources were analyzed to assess the project’s development, benefits, and obstacles. The study finds that the Attarat project represents a solution for Jordan’s energy security. It also aligns with the broader vision of the BRI in enhancing connectivity and creating a mutually prosperous future, making it a win-win solution for both parties. Despite this, the project has faced challenges; particularly in the form of arbitration due to price dispute of electricity, influenced by the U.S.-China rivalry. While the arbitration has been dismissed by the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), challenges do exist in the energy sector because of the existence of differing interests concerning major power interventions in Jordanian economic development.

Forging Maritime Cross-Border Connectivity in the South China Sea: A Case Study of Indonesia-Malaysia Initiatives

2025-11-26T15:25:28+00:00

This paper assesses the opportunities for improving cross-border trade and human mobility at the maritime border between Indonesia and Malaysia in the South China Sea, focusing on Serasan (Natuna, Riau Islands) and Sematan (Sarawak). Currently, there is no formal connectivity between Serasan and Sematan. Cross-border activities are largely informal, centred around trade and human mobility, which increases the risk of smuggling and human trafficking. Due to the limited population and economic activity in both maritime towns, there is a lack of detailed secondary information available and published. To address this gap, a SWOT analysis has been conducted. Thereby, this
study employed a qualitative and longitudinal approach to examine and assess the situation in Serasan and Sematan as a case study. The observations and findings were derived from the analysis and interpretation of data gathered from interviews with authorities and other reliable sources. The results show that geographical proximity and longstanding traditional economic relations through informal activities between the people of these regions provide a strong foundation for connectivity. However, this potential is hindered by significant weaknesses, including inadequate infrastructure development and a lack of alignment in priorities between the Indonesian and Malaysian governments. On the positive side, there are substantial opportunities in subregional cooperation and the growing sector of medical tourism. Nevertheless, illegal cross-border activities pose a serious threat to the stability and security of the region. These findings highlight the necessity for active involvement from various stakeholders and reciprocal efforts from both sides to achieve mutually beneficial outcomes. It is clear that maritime cross-border connectivity has unique features that differ from land borders, requiring a customized and context-specific approach.

Malaysia’s Aid to the Rohingya Community: A Historical Analysis

2026-01-07T09:10:29+00:00

The Rohingya ethnic group has been subjected to systemic oppression and human rights violations in Myanmar, which has forced them to seek refuge in neighbouring countries, including Malaysia. This paper aims to explore the role that Malaysia has played in supporting the Rohingya people during the 2000s, and the types of aid that Malaysia offered. Furthermore, this study investigates the domestic and international factors that shaped Malaysia’s policy towards the Rohingya refugees. By utilising primary sources such as government reports and non-government data, supplemented by secondary literature, the study reveals Malaysia’s multi-faceted approach in supporting the Rohingya. Malaysia has played the role of a host country, facilitated humanitarian missions to Myanmar and Bangladesh, and advocated for the Rohingya people before the international community. The findings show Malaysia’s contributions were influenced by a combination of factors that include humanitarian, Islamic solidarity and strategic interests. However, its aid policy has often been conditioned by security and national interests. Even though Malaysia’s aid efforts are symbolically and regionally significant, they failed to address the root causes of the Rohingya crisis. Consequently, Malaysia has become a temporary and reluctant host state, offering short term relief rather than long term solution. These findings provide insight into Malaysia’s role in the Rohingya refugee crisis while reflecting the overall framework of its foreign policy, which is marked by a delicate balancing act between humanitarian ideals, Islamic solidarity, and national interest. By situating Malaysia’s actions within this broader socio-political framework, this study contributes to a more nuanced and integrated understanding of regional refugee diplomacy.

Kewajipan Politik: Sejarah, Ciri-ciri dan Teori-teorinya (Political Obligation: Its History, Characteristics and Theories)

2025-12-24T11:20:32+00:00

In a state life, there is a relationship between the ruler and the ruled. The relationship is in the form of order and obedience. Order is from the rulers or the leaders, and obedience is from the ruled or in the modern life is from the citizens. This is called a political obligation. However, not all of us know in depth what political obligation is all about. For instance, when did the phrase political obligation come into use? What are the characteristics of political obligation and how they differ from civil obligation? Other than that, what are the theories that justify or buttress the need for that obligation? This justification is looked from the western and Islamic views. Hence, this article studies the background of the emergence of the concept of political obligation, analyze the characteristics of political obligation and its difference from civil obligation and to recognize the
theories of political obligation from the western and Islamic views. This study reveals that the subject of political obligation had long been discussed back to the time of Socrates or even earlier than that as in the discussion of Sophocles in his play. In the western perspective there are natural law theory, traditional theory, consent theory, utilitarian theory and justice theory. In Islamic politics, there are juridical theory of caliphate, implementation of syariah and justice theory and ‘asabiyah theory. Both the ruler and the ruled are obligated to perform their obligation respectively.

Propaganda British Menentang Jepun di Tanah Melayu Semasa Perang Dunia Kedua (1941-1945) (British Propaganda Against Japan in Malaya During the Second World War (1941-1945))

2025-11-26T15:39:08+00:00

Propaganda is an effort by the conflicting parties to undermine the interests of their opponent. It functions to influence the audience not to support them regardless of whether the facts presented are true or otherwise. The Second World War has shown this phenomenon through the forms of propaganda used. In this case, the British and Japanese were military powers competing for influence in Southeast Asia, especially Malaya. The early defeat of the British at the Japanese hands forced them to carry out propaganda actions to restore their image. This paper aims to discuss British propaganda in its efforts to oppose Japan in Malaya during the Second World War. Among the forms of propaganda used for this purpose include through film screenings, public speeches, newspapers, posters, pamphlets, currency, photographs and radio broadcasts. These forms of propaganda will be examined through documents from the National Archives of Malaysia consisting of Colonial Office (CO) reports, meeting minutes, correspondence and reports from the Publicity and Printing Department as well as personal collections. In addition, newspaper clippings can also be accessed through the SG News website at the National Library of Singapore. Meanwhile, journal articles, books and theses were obtained from the Tun Sri Lanang Library and the Centre for the Study of History, Politics and International Affairs, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia as a complement. This paper further found that the public who were somewhat influenced by Japanese propaganda began to change their stance. This proved the effectiveness of the British in changing the stance of the public through their propaganda. However, this positive impact was only short-term because the tarnishing of the British image at the hands of the Japanese opened the eyes of the local community to be more confident in voicing their desire to demand independence through the establishment of political parties later.

Penjajaran Ideologi ‘Feminisme dan Nasionalisme’ dalam National Council of Women’s Organisations Malaysia (NCWO) dan Kongres Wanita Indonesia (KOWANI) (The Juxtaposition of ‘Feminism and Nationalism’ Ideologies in the National Council of Women’s Organisations Malaysia (NCWO) and the Indonesian Women’s Congress (KOWANI))

2025-12-24T15:03:23+00:00

This article aims to compare the process of aligning the women’s agenda and the national agenda in the leading women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Malaysia and Indonesia—namely the National Council of Women’s Organizations Malaysia (NCWO) and the Indonesian Women’s Congress (KOWANI). The juxtaposition of women’s agendas and national agendas that influence the formation and development of the history of NCWO and KOWANI is examined using the theoretical framework of feminism and nationalism. Therefore, this article outlines three objectives: (i) to explain the ideology of the women’s rights struggle of NCWO and KOWANI; (ii) to relate the ideology of NCWO and KOWANI with the nation-state building agenda; and (iii) to compare the nature of the relationship between the women’s agenda and the national agenda in NCWO and KOWANI. These objectives were answered by implementing qualitative methods and the most similar system design (MSSD) in comparative study. Primary and secondary sources were collected and analyzed using interview methods and document analysis. As a result, this study found that history of the formation, legal and leadership perspective influence the idea of NCWO and KOWANI’s struggle for women’s rights. Not only for the women’s interest per se, NCWO and KOWANI align their idea with the nation building agenda. This phenomena led to the discovery of similarities in the nature of the constructive and destructive relationship between the women’s agenda and the national agenda in NCWO and KOWANI. However, the most significant findings is that the conceptual idea in KOWANI is not identified in the case of NCWO.

Rethinking Neomercantilism in the Federated Malay States, 1896-1925: Balance of Trade, Global Slump and Protection

2025-12-24T15:37:31+00:00

This article reinterprets colonial trade in the Federated Malay States (FMS) through the lens of neomercantilism, covering the period from the establishment of the FMS government in 1896 to the postwar trade slump. Neo-mercantilist policies allowed the British government to directly oversee export activities, keeping tin and rubber under colonial control and serving the interests of British investors and businesses. These policies also strengthened the fiscal capacity of the FMS by generating revenue from exports. The study challenges the conventional view that colonial administrations in Malaya avoided economic intervention. It shows, through administrative records, that surplus accumulation
policies functioned as a clear form of colonial exploitation. Numerical data and archival sources provide evidence for this claim, including the proceedings of the Federal Council, the CO717 files that document the link between London and the FMS, and annual departmental reports. The findings reveal that dependence on an export economy based on rubber and tin shaped the FMS balance of trade, particularly during periods of price fluctuation. However, neomercantilist measures to regulate output proved effective in stabilising markets. Rising prices generated substantial surpluses until 1925, highlighting the extent to which the colonial government relied on rubber and tin as its main sources of wealth.

Peranan Wakil Cina dalam Majlis Mesyuarat Persekutuan, 1909-1927 (The Role of Chinese Representatives in Federal Council, 1909-1927)

2026-01-07T10:43:58+00:00

This study examines the role of Chinese representatives in the British colonial administration at the federal level in the Federated Malay States between 1909 until 1927. The effectiveness of governance and administration was a key concern for the British in maintaining their colonial rule, and the involvement of the Chinese community formed part of this strategic framework. While previous research has primarily focused on Chinese participation in economic sectors such as mining and trade, this study highlights their administrative contributions, which have received comparatively less scholarly attention. In particular, the analysis centres on the appointment and function of Chinese members within the Federal Council (Majlis Mesyuarat Persekutuan), a formal legislative body under British colonial governance. Using a qualitative approach through library based research, this study draws on official records specifically the Shorthand Report of the Proceedings of the Federal Council- as well as secondary sources. The findings reveal that five appointed Chinese representatives actively safeguarded the interests, welfare and social development of the Chinese community through their involvement in key areas such as mining, plantations, education, labour, health, welfare, and land administration. Their roles extended beyond economic advocacy, encompassing broader social issues including urban settlement, schooling, opium consumption, gambling and prostitution. This study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the Chinese community’s engagement in colonial governance and challenges the predominant focus on Malay administrative participation in existing historiography.